Nollywood: Full Story on the Nigerian Movie Industry

Nollywood: Full Story on the Rise of the Nigerian film 1

By Uduma Kalu

After the rehearsals in 1926, the British government was ready to shoot its first film in Nigeria.
The camera was brought in. Sound, light, costume, make up and continuity were double checked, and every thing was set. Then the director yelled “Action!”
And the shooting began.
Some months later, Palaver, a major landmark in the chequered history of Nigeria film industry was ready.
Twenty-three years after, that film was premiered at the Glover Memorial Hall, Lagos.
The success story of Palaver and the enthusiasm it built among potential film makers put paid to the hitherto monopoly enjoyed by two film redistribution organisations of the Federal Film Unit – W. Hewston in 1961, shortly after independence.
By implication that move which provided training for three Nigerians- A.A. Fayemisin, J.A. Otiga and Yakubu Aura- at the Film Training School in Ghana, paved way for the emergence of a virile film industry in Nigeria. It also provided convenient playing field for some indigenous film makers , most of who moved from the then vibrant theatre tradition to the screen.
Those who built a passion for the big screen over time included Chief Eddie Ugbomah, late Chief Herbert Ogunde, Dr Ola Balogun among others.
However, the Federal Film Unit concentrated on the production of mostly documentary and newsreel films.
Soon after, few attempts were made at producing films. Between 1962 and 1977 films like Born in Lagos, Child Bride, Son of Africa, Golden women, , My Good Friends, Count Down at Kusini and ShehuUmar were produced. The independent film makers had emerged.
Works like Ajani Ogun and Ija Ominira by Ola Balogun, Aiye Jayesimi and Ayanmo by Ogunde, The Rise and Fall of Dr Oyenusi and Death of a Black President by Ugbomah, Kadara by Ade Love, Orun Mooru and Mosebolatan by Moses Olaiya, Efusetan Aniwuray by Ishola Ogunshola and Ireke Onibudo by Ayo Rasak, among others, including the much popular Bisi, Daughter of the River, Amadi, Kongi’s Harvest, Shehu Umar, Maitasine, Things Fall Apart, which joined the film stable.
Except for a few of the works like Imruh Ba Bakari’s Shehu Umar directed by Adamu Halilu, all the other films were did recorded no historical success, commercially.
In fact, most of the products found it difficult to recoup the enormous amount spent on producing the works. Indeed, most of them reportedly burnt their fingers.
The high cost of production, with the chunk of the producer’s budget going into hiring of equipment and crew from abroad. and post-production overseas, kept producers contemplating on whether it was worth it to produce big screen movies or not.
Film financing became the main issue. Next was lack of exhibition centres, an avenue which most of the filmmakers hoped would generate quick return on investment.
Nigeria’s political and economic quagmire worsened issues for the producers.
Not even the establishment of the Nigerian Film Corporation (NFC) which remains a major landmark, or the setting up of such infrastructure as the Colour Film Processing Laboratory, the Sound Dubbing Studio, the National Film Archives, the National Film Institute, or even launch of the National Film Policy in 1992 to guarantee growth and sustainability, could keep profitably engaged, the celluloid practitioners, most of whom were forced to abandon their passion for the less tasking endeavour -home video-” a life belt.”
Most of them who had at various forms decried the danger posed by video to the survival of a virile film industry successfully jumped on the bandwagon of the video craze as it became increasingly difficult to produce new films on celluloid.
Ugbomah, for instance, produced a record thirteen films but was forced to convert about six of his works including Death of a Black President, Omiran and lately, Aba Women Riot into video. The same thing late Ade Love did when he converted Ija Onimira to video.
With the growing screening of human video products in standard halls at the expense of the celluloid, and the new penchant of the viewing public for the video consumption, an attitude which some blamed on Nigeria’s political upheaval and the attendant insecurity on the street, the film industry shrank, in terms of output and investment.
Today, what Nigeria has as a film industry is buoyant home video sector largely controlled by non practitioners, mostly marketers.
For the celluloid in the past 18 years, only Ladi Ladebo seems to have produced films, with his Power and Baba Zak, both completed in 1998. They are both 35 mm gauge. The M-Net New Directions initiative for African Filmmakers have yielded two 15 mm short films-Twins of the Rain Forest and A Place Called Home.

Nigeria in African film production
For most film critics such as Jonathan Haynes and Onookome Okome in their essay, Evolving Popular Media: Nigerian Video Production, published in the reputable Okike Magazine, Nigeria, unlike most countries, film production has been absorbed into the realm of popular culture, adding that elsewhere, particularly in the francophone countries, film makers have been, for the most part, educated, self-conscious artists, often with political or social motivations, and the system for producing films had included a crucial role for European funding sources and international distribution to film festivals and other non-commercial outlets. In those venues at least, African films tend to be categorized as “art cinema.”
They allege that in Nigeria, what have proved successful are films, but since filmmaking has become prohibitively expensive, dramas are shot directly on video and sold as video cassettes, produced by artists from the Yoruba Travelling Theatre tradition. These artists work outside the international circuits, sustaining themselves, instead, as a form of popular culture in immediate relation with the working classes in Nigeria’s cities, particularly, those with a considerable Yoruba population.
Impact of the Yoruba Travelling Theatre. Both critics went on to say that scholars such as Biodun Jeyifo, Karin Barber and Christopher Waterman, elaborated that the Yoruba Travelling Theatre kind of production, was a popular culture with large audiences. The travelling embraced “the entire range of occupational and socio-economic groups and classes,” Jeyifo noted. The troupes “substantially played to the people as a whole,” rather than to exclusive, partial groupings or strata of the population, as is the case with the modern English language, literary theatre.”
The complexity in determining class differences in Africa made Jeyifo say, “The emergence and growth of the Travelling Theatre (are) bound up with the rise and phenomenal expansion of “certified” populations in modern Nigeria whose division into distinct groups and classes on the basis of education, status, wealth and political influence have so far been so fluid that no particular group or class has created a hegemonic culture, art form or life-style. In other words … no integral, dominant ruling class “high culture” has been definitely aspects and fragments of elite culture and life-style largely based on a composite mix of Western middle-class forms and neo-traditional approximations).”

The term popular art can be taken to mean the large class of new unofficial art forms which are concerned with social change, and associated with the masses. The centres of activity in this field, critics say are the cities, due to their pivotal position between the rural hinterland on the one hand and the metropolitan countries on the other.
Other film critics developed the common tripartite model for defining the popular arts, as being located in the shifting, indeterminate zone between the “traditional” and the Europeanized/elite, both of which work through more clearly defined conventions and institutions.
The popular art faces both ways at once – hence the vibrant eclecticism of the Yoruba Travelling Theatre, which draws at once on “deep” Yoruba verbal arts and the traditional cosmography evidence in the works of Chief Hubert Ogunde, and at the other extreme, the conventions of American situation comedies.
As they straddle cultural origins and genres, the Travelling Theatre practitioners also straddle several media. The critics point to how the Yoruba Travelling Theatre troupes might be simultaneously involved in stage productions, film, television records, and photoplay magazines, as a way of diversifying their resources in an intensely competitive, marginal economic niche.
Haynes and Okome argue that it is, of course, because the Travelling Theatre troupes had already established a relationship with their audience, outside the commercial cinema distribution system, that they survived as film and video makers while the collapsing economy drove nearly everyone else out of business.
While the formal characteristics of the popular theatre work have undergone rapid metamorphoses, Barber, another researcher sees their socio-economic origins notes the nascent petit bourgeoisie as the social layer most involved in producing this sort of art and their socio-economic organisation as the more or less constant elements.
The working of the Theatre

The Yoruba theatre companies, in the critics words, are small business enterprises operating like others in the Nigerian informal Sector. The conditions of their artistic production affect their relations to the mass media, their structure as organizations and, correspondingly, the structure as plays, and their relations to tradition and modernity.
The company retains its organisational integrity in relation to television, importing its personnel, its production methods, its style, and its subject matter more or less intact into the new medium.
Rather than imposing the uniform stamp of mass culture on these plays, the television seems to be invaded by chunks of the living popular culture that flourishes around it.
Jeyifo himself discovers that the Travelling Theatre practitioners have a strong artistic, guild consciousness – “extensive relationships of cooperation and competition between the companies (have led) to the very strong sense of corporate group identity and vocational distinctiveness that exists among them today” .
This has helped preserve their integrity, but it has also proved a limiting factor: their method of distributing their films “restricts them to an artisinal basis rather than an industrial and international one.
They seldom attempted to master cinematic technique on a fully professional basis, and tended to have rocky relationships with cinema professionals or those perceived as interlopers.
The boom in Igbo video production.
It has always been problematic simply to equate the work of the Travelling Theatre artists with “Yoruba” cinema or video production as such ethnic labels are always dangerous.
But for the two of Okome and Haynes, the social basis of Yoruba-language production seems to have blurred as the professional video production houses in Lagos entered the picture, along with actors and directors who came from television or elsewhere, and who have tended to produce dramas set in the glamorous urban environment that are characteristic of the new Igbo videos.
The structure of the Igbo home video
The two emphasis that the production of the Igbo videos is organised very differently. To begin with, Igbo video production can be much more highly capitalized instead of relying on the resources of a struggling small-scale entrepreneur, the actor/manager of a theatre troupe, these videos draw on the wealth of the Igbo business class. They may be backed by big merchants from Onitsha or Aba or elsewhere, and the properties used- to represent the lavish lifestyles which are a normal feature of these videos- come through business networks of fashion houses, real estate brokers, car dealers, and so on, who are often eager to provide sponsorship for its publicity value.
Directors and technicians are drawn from a pool of professionals, and there is a concerted effort to build a star system of actors with name recognition, whose presence, as in Hollywood, will guarantee the investment in the project.
Current stars have mostly made their reputations through television appearances, but vehicles such as the magazine Nigerian Videos are designed to create an arena of publicity based in the videos themselves. Drawn by the prospect of relatively huge salaries (stars can make N500,000 for an appearance in a video), would be actors are flocking to the new industry from modelling careers, State Arts Councils, and the universities.
The financial muscle behind these productions is also brought to bear on the distribution end. Large numbers of copies of the cassettes are made at once and distributed through numerous channels, to discourage pirates and maximize publicity.
There are large profits to be made: in an interview, the producer Okechukwu Ogunjiofor said that with the N1,500 he had on him and a loan of N3,000, he immediately embarked on the shooting of Circle of Doom, from which he was able to buy a Benz and secure a comfortable home (Nigerian Videos, vol. 2 No. 1, p.20).
Distinguishing between Yoruba and Igbo Films
The two researchers went to say that the Igbo videos reach an audience that is almost entirely different from that of the original Yoruba Travelling Theatres. The put the differences along axes of ethnicity, gender, age and class.
For the two the ethnic difference is the most obvious, saying that Yoruba films and videos are fairly seldom subtitled, and only a few have been made in Pidgin with Jagua being a conspicuous exception.
They allege that in general there seemed to be little interest in making the concessions necessary to attract a non-Yoruba speaking audience in the Yoraba film. The Igbo community, however, in their findings, has naturally offered exciting support to its new cultural expression, but the videos are normally subtitled or contain a fair amount of English and/or Pidgin, as if aiming at an audience beyond that of the Igbo ethnic group.
The Nigerian audience
The gender issue is perhaps less obvious but of deep significance. Everywhere in Nigeria cinema-going is predominantly a male activity, and for that matter, an activity for younger, poorer, and rowdier males; it is considered of more or less dubious respectability for girls and women. As Brain Larkin has pointed out in the context of Northern Nigeria, the advert of television and then video cassettes has opened up to women a media environment that was largely closed to them before.
The class character of the audience also needs to be investigated through empirical research. It would of course be a serious mistake to imagine that the luxury that appears in these videos corresponds at all to the life-style of its audience, in these days of economic hardship and the near annihilation of the Nigerian middle class.
The critics that for the sake of comparison, Hollywood consolidated its role as dream factory during the depths of the Great Depression, and that Dallas and Dynasty had their greatest following among the American lower middle and working classes.
One of the signs of the incomplete process of class formation in Nigeria is that – particularly in cultures like the Igbo and for that matter, the Yoruba where individual dynamics is much prized – nearly everyone aspires to rise socially and imagines there is some prospect of doing so, however slim the chances really are, so that the dream vision of a elite lifestyle is in some sense common property.
The ownership of a VCR and television set, while now a nearly universal aspiration, in the eyes of the critics, is in fact restricted to a large minority of the urban population. The younger and rougher cinema-going crowd may have access to these videos through video parlours, but in general one imagines this sort of production being consumed in a middle class sitting room, by small groups of people linked by family or close social ties.
The audience is in any case assembled in a privatized manner quite different from that of cinemas or the live audience of the Yoruba nation. Without entirely inscribing this process within a sentimental narrative of the breakdown of an original, traditional, unmediated community into modern alienation, the two recognized that video cassette production is a much more commodified form, a fact that has deep social as well as aesthetic consequences. Gone is the excitement generated by the presence of the actors at screenings of their films, and the general excitation of a popular neighbourhood by a sound track advertising the film or the performance.
The best studies of the Yoruba performance arts, or indeed of African arts in general, say the duo, have stressed how central are the immediate contact between performer and audience in the moment of performance, and the characteristic emphasis on social process rather than isolated aesthetic object. Only more or less dim echoes of this can be caught on video cassettes; once the videos stop being essentially records of performances in another medium it is natural for them to move towards an aesthetic formed on a different basis exploiting different values and potentials.
A Hostile environment
In the view of Okome and Haynes, the rise of the Igbo videos also corresponds to, among other things, a decline in public safety which makes going out at night a dubious proposition for the middle classes. The Igbo middle classes did not for the most part have the habit of going out in the evenings to things like theatre or cinema anyway, so that in their case the video cassettes do not displace an anterior indigenous cultural form as much as they claim a share of the market in televised and recorded video products, most of which are imported.
Hollywood in Lagos homes
It is no accident that the new Igbo videos have stirred up this depth and breadth of excitement, not least in the fairly broad layers of society that have grown up saturated by products of the international, chiefly American, culture industry. They were ready to make a response.
“Hollywood”, Okome and Haynes, an American argue, is constantly invoked as the model or inspiration. The video, they write, partly refer to the attempt to create a proper entertainment industry. Further, they give the differences between Hollywood and Igbo video-making, in scale of finance and in specialisation and intensity of labour processes, not to mention the aesthetic and cultural differences in the products, which are much more impressive than the similarities.
Nevertheless perhaps enough has been said to suggest that the emerging production structures represent an attempt on the part of dynamic and modern operators to set up audiovisual production on a full capitalist, industrial basis, aspiring to the technical capacity to copy the look of at least the minor Hollywood genres.
This will have to develop gradually with the market, and will have to contend with formidable difficulties – the general parlours state of the Nigerian economy, for one thing, and the fact that most of the sources of Hollywood’s revenue are currently unavailable (theatre release in cinemas, video rentals as opposed to sales, and sale of television broadcasting rights).
The new enthusiasm to many people is immensely promising and perhaps will provide the basis for a true film industry at some point in the future when circumstances again permit sustained production of celluloid. This is no small thing.
“Hollywood” is also the name of a cultural aspiration, to imitate the world’s most powerful cultural formation. This aspiration is ambivalent, as this sort of colonial/post-colonial imitation usually is. It is meant partly as an assertion of African cultural power and dignity within the world media environment; it is frequently said that the Igbo videos are meant to provide images of a modern and prosperous urban Africa for Nigerians abroad to show their white friends who imagine Africa as all bush, villages and wild animals. It seems unlikely that this scenario is actually enacted very often, but psychologically and symbolically it is important.
This imitation also contains within it an admission of distance and insufficiency. From a certain point of view – a point of view pretty well represented among Nigerian film critics – the invocation of Hollywood might seem like a betrayal of African culture in the face of the neo-colonial invasion of foreign media. The real object of imitation is certain American television genres (rather than block-buster films) – particularly melodramatic TV movies and evening soap operas. Generally this tends to exclude the sort of cultural spectacle patented by Chief Hubert Ogunde, created at an historical moment when it coincided with anti-colonial cultural assertion, providing an image of a “usable past” governed by a noble, colourful, and intact tradition.
This has remained one of the resources of the Yoruba filmmakers and videographers. The new Igbo work certainly encodes responses to modernity, urbanism and so on that are specifically African, Nigerian, and even Igbo, but it mostly does without overt, formal reference to a “deep” ethnic tradition and would view.Force behind the Igbo films
Critics are of the opinion that the main reason for this would seem to be historical. These works, they reason, are the expression of an aggressive commercial mentality, whose fields of activity is Nigeria’s cities – and not only the Igbo cities.
Attention is resolutely turned towards sources of wealth and change; the villages tend to figure only in more or less cursory backwards glances or, in the case of Ikuku for instance.
The village itself is fully caught up in the process of change. The nation, the state apparatus and the ethnic political claims are invisible, doubtless mostly for generic reasons, but probably also because they are being by-passed in despair.
Beyond Nigeria’s cities are international circuits in which Igbos are famously active as traders, from which a commerce cultural imagery is being imported. Nigerian video production itself has important material links with the Nigerian Diaspora: post-production may be done in London, videos are sold to the Nigerian community abroad, and, significantly, the magazine Nigerian Videos has a London edition.
In the “Post-colonial” theory being developed principally in the West, cultural hybridity and transitional networks are celebrated as positive values. The creative spirit of Africa is being looked for less in the form of an eternal, uncorrupted traditional cultural essence, and more as something realized through the historical process of interaction with other cultures, African and non-African.
The story of the tortured relations between colonized intellectuals and European and traditional African cultures is familiar enough; interest is shifting to the apparently much less conflicting way in which popular culture has absorbed foreign influences – Barber is summarizing this train of thought when she lists syncretism as an essential feature of the popular arts. There is a long history, all over Africa, of the influence of American (and Indian) film culture, particularly among youth groups, who may construct an alternative culture for themselves out of such materials (sporting the names of movie stars and so on).
This is a way of playing, more or less subversively, with Africa’s dependent position in the world system; it is also likely to be a strategy for escaping from the control of elders and other local authority figures. According to Jean-Francois Bayart, “extraversion” – pursuing resources from abroad – has been a game ruler and ruled have played competitively against one another throughout African history. It makes sense that the most extraverted of Nigeria’s ethnic groups should turn to this strategy with a vengeance at a moment when the national situation is so full of trials and frustrations.
This dynamic popular culture is doubtless in play in the imitation of American forms, but still the situation has to be evaluated as a specific historical instance, which may certainly have negative aspects. The producer Ogunjiofor himself sees the degree of imitation as a sign of immaturity.
It is Ogunjiofor’s belief that the video-film world in Nigeria has not started yet.
“We have a long way to go”, he opined, adding that “we are imitative; we produce in English and adopt western concepts which are lost on our people who buy our films.” (Nigerian Videos, 21).
This is perhaps the price paid for being insufficiently rooted, abandoning the cultural nationalist project so completely that one abandons one’s own culture and people. A model-turned-actor interviewed by Nigerian Videos expresses a dream of escape into a foreign fantasy world of individual advancement:
“I’d always wanted to be famous and had always looked to a career in acting or sports as a way of realising this dream which, at the same time, I had felt could only be possible in either Europe or American. But when I wasn’t making a headway in this direction I turned my sight inward and tried to see how I could achieve the same dream right here in Nigeria”.
There does seem to be something alienated here – not the subversive play of a subordinated social group, but a strategy for finding an individual loophole in the world system. The nation becomes the place where a second-best imitation of the real thing can be constructed, using, as the mise-en-scene, the life-style of an elite which is detaching himself more and more decisively from the life of the rest of the nation.
The conjunction of the representation of a luxurious elite life-style and an incipient organisation of video production might suggest that there is a serious tendency towards consolidation of a bourgeois art form that would detach itself from the category of the “popular arts.”
But this is probably misleading, or at most only partially true. The essential heterogeneity, fluidity, and unbounded social groups in Africa makes it difficult to talk of fully formed “classes” in the European sense at all.
The Sponsors of the video
Okome and Haynes in determining the specific class character of the Igbo video productions, also point to the elite from whom the money for these productions usually comes. It is not the older educated elite, tied to nationalist ideologies. It is also not the state institutions (including the universities), which had a deeper connection to the European elite culture which it also sought to displace.
This is rather a commercial elite, much less educated but now exercising a considerable ideological hegemony over a generation that would previously have looked to the universities as a path for advancement. They may well be directly connected to the global economy through import trading or emigration, but culturally their commerce is with American mass culture.
This social formation shades at one end into the culture of mushroom banks, 419, pirated American Videos, limitation car parts, fake electronics – all the products of the legendary Igbo wit for producing simulacra of the industrialized world.
Looking at the videos
As their worst the video dramas produced on this socio-economic basis, and with the plainest commercial motives, are thin and false, advertisements for unbridled acquisitiveness and an elite lifestyle which can hardly be attained honestly.
But this is of course not the whole story. The spectacle of luxury is normally accompanied by a moralizing commentary which appeals to more traditional values. In this they resemble Indian films, which have similarly vested forms of melodrama borrowed from the West with a conflict between a materially attractive modernity and a morally normative tradition, a conflict which is quite foreign to Hollywood.
Living in Bondage, which was the first Igbo video hit, exemplifies the characteristic handling of the urban scene. It takes place in Lagos. Andy, the main character, gets entangled with a group of upwardly mobile dubious Igbo business men. He is avaricious, gullible, and envious of them. He seeks to join their group, and is gradually let in to their secret world. Finally, the real price of membership is demanded of him: he must present his wife for sacrifice. Entered so far with them, he cannot opt out. He kills his wife in a bizarre ritual scene, and immediately begins to prosper.
The narrative brings us to this point very quickly. Now we watch Andy enjoying his wealth for a time, in the style of his upwardly mobile friends: philandering in bars, frequenting post hotels, and generally conspicuously consuming in the most crude and flagrant manner.
This is the sign of his “arrival”, as he accumulates the markers of his new social position.
But even as it records the lifestyle of this dubious and thieving elite, the story turns towards teaching a moral, as it must do. Andy’s problems start when he tries to marry a new wife. His first wife begins to haunt him as a nightmarish apparition. For a while he copes with this, but eventually goes mad, raving and picking morsels from rubbish heaps in downtown Lagos. The news gets to his village, where a family council is called and a delegation sent to bring back the mad son from the city. The rest is a story of rehabilitation. Andy is taken to one of the Pentecostal Churches, and when nothing else works he is removed to a dibia’s home for herbal cures and spiritual exorcism.
The threads of the story which are left unexplored are revealing. Many social issues are touched upon but then dropped immediately, such as the options open to Andy as he initially faces the problems of unemployment and coping with the city and its attractions, or the episode in which his wife is thrown out of her job because she will not sleep with the boss.
Her death does not lead to a criminal case, and the fortunes of the other members of the group of ritual killers are not investigated. When Andy goes mad he is not sent to a modern asylum for the mentally ill, but back to the village, the church, and traditional healing practices. Once Andy’s personality breaks down the scene and point of view become that of the village community, for whom the city and its attractions are of little importance. Personality and identity are thus presented as complex and layered, and it is the more modern and individualized part that falls prey to the devouring city, and has to find redemption from tradition.
Both critics are tempted to say that it is a traditional moral scheme and narrative imagination that figures the drama of city life as one of ritual murder – except that the urban vampire story is one propagated in the cities, by city dwellers, to make sense of their own condition. It has passed through various ethnic groups, forming part of the mixed, modern culture of the cities – many parallel instances can be found in Yoruba films and videos, or even those being produced in Ghana.
They argue that the video do not really dealing with a polarized opposition where modernity and the urban scene

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